Conan Fischer.
The Rise of the Nazis.
New York and Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002. 211 pp.
$19.95 (paper), ISBN 978-0-7190-6067-0.
Reviewed by Gisela Miller-Kipp (Department of Education, Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Duesseldorf)
Published on H-German (August, 2003)
Published on H-German (August, 2003)
A Discussion of the Rise of the Nazis to Power
The debate over the miniseries "Hitler: The Rise of
Evil," briskly conducted of late in this venue, strongly testified to
the demand for exact and valid information on Nazis and Nazism, in
addition to a discussion of films as sources and media of history. In
terms of intellectual demand, books seem to be a better choice, while it
is the role of films--or rather of pictures--to generate a biographical
and emotional understanding of history. The Rise of the Nazis serves both interests.
Conan Fischer covers the decline of the Weimar
Republic and beginning of the Third Reich, while bringing vivid insight
into the political clashes, social splits, and ideological turmoil that
took place in Germany from the mid-1920s to 1933. He does not, however,
deliver a history of how the Nazis came to power. Rather, he inspects
the case on the basis of selected data and studies already provided by
earlier historiography. Fischer presents documents that offer
supporting information and encourage a more detailed study. Thus, within
the limits of its theme and 211 pages, the book gives a well-focused
and informative discussion of "the rise of the Nazis," and serves as an
introductory reader to historical controversies surrounding the subject.
Apparently, educators used the first edition of
Fischer's book as a general history, which it was not. In the second
edition the author broadens his focus, to provide: "contextual
information at certain points where the previous edition, perhaps,
demanded a little too much prior knowledge," and "to be as accessible as
possible to the new or general-interested reader" (p. 2). I have my
doubts. The problem is not that of being more or less "general," which
Fischer still is, but of a failure to mark clearly his own
interpretation of historical events. The novice reader is sometimes
left alone to evaluate the differing views under conditions when further
context might have been helpful. My overall impression is that the
second edition progresses from implicit judgment and supposition to an
open reading of the questions discussed. Additionally, it is more exact
and less general, which is more than fair to any reader. To give but
one example, instead of using the term "the right," which appeared in
the first edition, the text rephrases the term as "the conservative and
radical right" (p. 24).
The second edition takes in a small part of the
research and discussion completed in the field since the publication of
the first edition. Consequently, the list of "works cited" is slightly
enlarged, and includes works published before 1995. The same is true
for the "selected bibliography," which gives literature and comments on
chosen titles on various aspects of Nazism. Both enumerations are
rather selective, comprising special publications from Fischer's own
field of study (Stormtroopers and the Nazis' attempt to gain power
within working-class politics), yet omitting titles usually considered
standard, at least in Germany.[1] No evidence is provided as to the
criteria for selection in this list, and there is no discrimination
between primary and secondary literature. Titles from the secondary
literature date from 1961 to 2000; this choice was may have resulted
from the need to cut through the kilometers of books on the rise of the
Nazis. Even so, Fischer's selection seems appropriate and serves its
purpose adequately.
The appendix contains sixty-one documents of various
character and varying historical weight or importance, including
newspaper-clippings, literature, propaganda texts, speeches, statistics
and historical records. They center on party policies and propaganda.
Most documents deal with Hitler, such as: quotations from Mein Kampf,
materials on the SA, including its organization and political
in-fighting, and materials on the NSDAP, including its finances. With
few exceptions, the selection of records is drawn from one regional
archive in Germany. Several documents can be fully understood only in
the light of events after January 30, 1933; in these cases, a relevant
commentary would have been helpful as an aid to readers. Finally, the
book presents a well composed index.
Chapter One gives a historical outline of the rise
and fall of Weimar. Weimar's heritage is now traced back as far as
1871, an addition to the first edition, in order to sketch the power
politics of the new German Empire leading into World War I as well as to
examine the "defeat" of Versailles as the fatal heritage of the new
republic. From this standpoint, Fischer describes the "fall" of Weimar
as the failed compromise between old imperial and new republican power,
between unsatisfied and persisting imperial interests and the oncoming
push for democracy, both with revolutionary potential. He sorts these
divergences into political camps as represented by political parties and
depicts them as pre-occupied with fighting one another in personal
opposition as well as in the streets. The main focus here is on the
Social Democrats, who are blamed for under-estimating the "old right"
(p. 34), and the National Socialists. The condition of their respective
influence is measured by poll results, where the society is seen as
equally divided or politically polarized. Fischer follows the
main-stream of political history. Small attention is paid to economy or
socio-economics, and none is paid to the cultural character, emotional
climate and collective mentality of the society. These contexts have
been discussed at length in German history under the headings of
"Republik ohne Republikaner" ("republic without republicans"), an
approach that has moved the question of the fall of Weimar democracy
into the realm of socio-cultural history.
Chapter Two turns to "the ideological basis of
Nazism," as it "continues to attract intense scrutiny from historians,
political and social scientists" (p. 36). Even if that is the case,
ideology per se does not answer the questions of why and how the Nazis
came to power. When it is attached, however, to political interests and
power politics, ideology contributes considerably to providing such an
answer. This somewhat dated approach represents the state of the art.
Fischer discusses several historiographic attempts to deal with national
socialist ideology (or "Nazism," in this sense) and concentrates on its
voelkisch dimension. It is in this dimension that the
ideology in question succeeded in attracting wide sections of the Weimar
(re)public, and winning applause and votes for the Nazis. The voelkisch
message supported the national pride and imperial aspirations, which
were reversed by Versailles. Dealing at length with this aspect,
Fischer pays scant attention to other important elements of Nazism, like
racism, and to different approaches towards Nazism, such as ascribing
it to Hitler or to the Germans in general (a polemical line stretching
from William Shirer to Daniel Goldhagen).
Nazism was a compound and diverse ideology, framed to
serve Nazi aspiration's for power.
According to Fischer, Nazi ideology
intended "not to bring Hitler to power" (p. 54), rather, it backed up
"National Socialist policy and propaganda," and these are Fischer's next
items. In Chapter Three, he sketches and discusses National Socialist
policy and propaganda on the basis of the famous "Twenty-Five-Points,"
the program drafted by the NSDAP in 1923 (which is provided in the
appendix), along with antecedent party guidelines from the infant DAP.
The framework for the discussion rests on whether the party-program was a
"catch-all" or aimed at establishing a working-class center and/or
working-class image among the Weimar electorate. As we now know, it
functioned in both ways.
Chapter Four provides a closer look into "the
organisation of the Nazi movement" (p. 76). Here, Fischer reveals his
expertise in the field. He delivers a detailed study of the formation
of the NSDAP in its rise to power, from the early twentieth century
until Hitler's appointment as chancellor. He deals first with the
struggles of the NSDAP amidst the minor parties on the right of the
Weimar State, including membership statistics; next with the formation
of the several bodies of the party, particularly the SA, and their
competitive push for power; and last with the personnel of the party's
National Directorate and its respective political rivalry (namely Hitler
vs. Strasser). This chapter is an effective description of the
formation of political power. Still, I want to point out two
shortcomings in it. First, in his musings as to "who paid Hitler" (p.
91), Fischer omits some of the big spenders, like the Freundeskreis der Deutschen Industrie;
there is no sufficient evidence, then, "that the National Socialists in
essence funded themselves from the grass roots" (p. 175). Secondly,
while pointing to the clash between the Deutscher Frauen Orden and the Nationalsozialistische Frauenschaft, Fischer fails to consider Jill Stephenson's comprehensive study, The Nazi Organisation of Women
(1981). There, he would have found figures on "the membership of the
Women's Groups," about which he claims little is known (p. 178).
A more substantial criticism of the chapter, however,
can be attributed to Fischer's failure to place the Nazi movement's
organization into historical perspective, thus possibly still leaving
the "general-interested reader" at a loss. There is also no
contextualization to provide insight into the political logic of the
party development and structure of the NSDAP. For instance, Fischer
could have given the entire array of party branches and bodies, not
leaving out, as he does, the two important bodies stemming from the SA:
the Hitler-Youth and the Nationalsozialistisches Kraftfahrerkorps.
The branching of the NSDAP reveals the political function of its
organization, which was to move into all major sections of society
through powerful and well-devised offers to numerous social groupings,
and thus direct them all into the NSDAP.
The following two chapters examine "the formation of
the Nazi constituency" amongst "the middle class" (Chapter Five) and
the "working class" (Chapter Six). Fischer dispels an almost-legendary
reading of the rise of the Nazis, fostered by the first generation of
critical historians, who blamed the "working class" for switching over
to Hitler and the NSDAP. Discussing further historiographic approaches
to the question as well as inspecting polls and membership data, Fischer
now places the blame on both parties, bringing the middle classes more
strongly into view.
Perceiving "classes" heuristically as a social body,
Fischer brings the case down to two simple questions: to whom was Nazi
party policy and propaganda directed? And, who was attracted by it?
Although not immediately apparent at the time, it was clearly visible
from 1928 onward that party policy was to mitigate the aggressive
working-class appeal of the NSDAP, to subdue the working-class ranks,
and to direct itself toward the middle classes. The common ground of
Nazi party policy was a voelkisch program, or the propaganda of
a national community. This was a program that appealed to all and
transgressed class interests. Subtly it harped on the old imperial
dream, becoming bourgeois in its talk of the Volksgemeinschaft.
Through these means, "middle- and working-class Germans cooperated to
overthrow" the Weimar Republic, along with "the constitution and the
system of values" it represented (p. 113).
Fischer concludes with discussions of general options
already put forward for understanding the Nazis' rise to power, such as
describing it within the pattern of social and political modernization
or within the historical frame of fascism. The author prefers to relate
the Nazi rise to power to the twentieth-century move in Europe towards
integration and reconciliation, away from social clashes, ideological
fights, and political confrontation. Fischer sees sufficient "hope that
National Socialism was indeed a particular response to events at a
particular time in a particular place" (p. 142).
Historicizing "the rise of the Nazis," however, does
not provide any clues as to the rise of Nazi "glory" and terror after
the seizure of power. To understand that chapter of German history is an
ongoing quest and part of the political legacy of the country.
Note:
[1]. Examples include Bracher, Funke and Jakobsen, eds., Die Weimarer Republik (1987); Broszat, Duebber and Hofer, eds., Der Weg in die Diktatur (1985), and Jasper, ed. Von Weimar zu Hitler 1930-1933 (1968).
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