A PW poll conducted late in July in the towns of Friedberg
and Offenbach in the province of Hesse of 254 young people between the ages of
fourteen and eighteen—139 boys and 115 girls—did not confirm the optimistic
assessment by the Mainz young poet Hermann Butz of the democratic potential
among German youth. The poll revealed that the girls had undergone more
thorough Nazi indoctrination than the boys (who confronted mobilization into
the Volkssturm and eventually into the Wehrmacht), but all the young people
exhibited effects of their Nazi education. The poll demonstrated that the major
problem we confronted with German youth was not a persistence of Nazism among
them, with attendant resistance to, and defiance of, the Allied authorities.
German youth had lost their old leadership, and, ‘‘for the time being at least,
Americans appear to be the substitutes for the Nazi leaders in the
totalitarian-trained minds of these young people.’’
American Military Government, however, appeared to have no
youth policy. Despite vigorous efforts by individual Americans reinforced with
Coca-Cola and chewing gum, German youth continued to prefer soccer to the
American national sport, and whatever benefits might have been anticipated from
the introduction of baseball failed to materialize.
In Bad Homburg, a spa some fifteen miles from Bad Nauheim,
with two of my colleagues I organized a discussion group of some twenty-five to
thirty young people, nearly all of middle-class backgrounds. They were
skeptical of any statements we made about denazification, democratization, and
reeducation, but we were encouraged by their recognition of the necessity of their
participating in the reconstruction of their country. They could, they
admitted, join in collecting firewood, in assisting expellees from the East, in
organizing programs for children, in helping to repair damaged dwellings. But
when we asked when they would undertake such tasks, we met silence.
‘‘We’d hesitate to gather wood,’’ ventured one of the young
people, ‘‘because we’d know that some would do all the work and others would do
nothing.’’
‘‘We need someone to lead us,’’ protested another. ‘‘If you
would take over, maybe we’d do it. Everyone is too involved with his own
problems to bother about anyone else.’’
‘‘You know, we have been told so many lies,’’ declared a
teenager in a tone of utter weariness, ‘‘we don’t believe anything anymore.
It’s all a swindle!’’
We could not effectively respond to this despair. Despite
the fanfare about denazification, young Germans saw Nazi bigshots escaping
punishment and even retaining high positions. They heard rumors that Nazis in
detention centers enjoyed larger rations than the rest of the population,
including Kzler. Antimilitarism? A judge in Bremen had just sentenced a young
man to two years in prison because he deserted from the Wehrmacht during the
last months of the war. Ex-sergeants who exchanged Wehrmacht for police
uniforms ordered civilians about with the arrogance of the Nazi police.
‘‘All we know,’’ I wrote, paraphrasing remarks I heard
repeatedly from German young people, ‘‘is that we haven’t enough to eat, we
haven’t a chance in the world to rebuild our homes, to clothe ourselves, to
find decent jobs, and what’s more, we’re probably going to have another war
that will destroy everything that’s left. We’ve always been efficient and
industrious, but with you here, we don’t get anything done at all.’’
Local MG officials reported criminal activity by gangs of
desperate adolescents and young adults under the leadership of former Hitler
Youth leaders or of demobilized soldiers, often romantic paratroopers or
charismatic SS men. - ARTHUR D. KAHN
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