If new weapons could not rescue Germany, then perhaps new
soldiers could. Already at the end of 1943 the call-up of increasingly older
age-cohorts of men to the armed forces was prompting a variety of popular
jokes. ‘Vengeance will come,’ so one went, ‘when you see notices on the old
people’s homes: “Closed because of the call-up”. On 26 September 1944, in a
desperate attempt to deal with the shortage of military personnel, Hitler
ordered the creation of the ‘People’s Storm’ (Volkssturm), in which all men
from the ages of sixteen to sixty were required to take up arms, and to undergo
training for a final stand. They were to be organized by the Party, with the
aim, Hitler said, of defending the German people against the attempt of its
‘Jewish-international enemies’ to annihilate them. All of them had to swear a
personal oath of allegiance to Hitler, allegiance unto death. The official date
for the launch of the People’s Storm was chosen by Himmler as 18 October, the
anniversary of the defeat of Napoleon’s army in the ‘Battle of the Nations’ at
Leipzig in 1813. This was to be a national uprising just like the one that - in
popular legend - had ended French rule over Germany just over 130 years before.
But the reality fell far short of the rhetoric. The men of the People’s Storm
were never going to be a very effective fighting force. They had no uniforms -
there was no way of providing them by this stage - and had to come in their own
clothes, bringing with them a rucksack, a blanket and cooking equipment. The
arms and ammunition they needed were never fully forthcoming, and by the final
stage of the war they were little more than a poor imitation of an army.
Wandering out from his woodland hiding-place one day, the Social Democratic
schoolboy Ullrich S. noted 400 men of the People’s Storm come into the nearby
village. ‘Tired and exhausted, most of them were wearing uniforms borrowed from
the air force, or plundered. A few only had their mufti. I only saw 5 soldiers
in all who were bearing arms, the rest were not even carrying a bayonet.’ With
the characteristic disdain of the adolescent for the middle-aged, he added:
‘Most of them were between 45 and 60 years of age. The whole crowd made a very
pitiable impression on us. They almost looked like an old people’s home on an
outing.’ This view was widespread. ‘Two men with shovels are walking across the
graveyard,’ went one popular joke of the day. ‘An old man shouts after them:
“So you want to dig out reinforcements for the People’s Storm?” ’ For the men
of the People’s Storm, however, enlistment was more than a joke. No fewer than
175,000 were eventually killed fighting against the professional armies of the
Russians and the Western Allies.
The draft for the People’s Storm was deeply unpopular.
People were well aware of its futility in military terms, and the sacrifices
they were being asked to make were bitterly resented. In Stuttgart, the red
posters put up around the city on 20 October 1944 advertising the creation of
the People’s Storm reminded citizens of the red placards used to announce
executions. ‘It’s announcing an execution too,’ people were reported saying,
‘namely the execution of the German people.’ Recruitment was completely
indiscriminate. The draft for the People’s Storm thus caught many unsuspecting
and reluctant men in its net. One of its victims was the theatre critic, writer
and pseudo-aristocratic fantasist Friedrich Reck-Malleczewen. When the People’s
Storm was set up he was living peacefully on his little estate in the Bavarian
hills with his second wife, Irmgard, whom he had married in March 1935, and
their three daughters, born in 1939, 1941 and 1943. At this point, his own
history of lies and deceptions came back to haunt him. Reck had boasted widely
of having enjoyed a heroic military career during the First World War as a
Prussian officer, so it was scarcely surprising that the leadership of the
People’s Storm in the nearby town of Seebruck asked him to enlist.
Reck, who had in fact never been on active service and never
fired a shot at anybody in his life, ignored the request. Four days later, on
13 October 1944, he was arrested on the orders of the military recruitment
office in Traunstein for undermining the German military effort and imprisoned
for a week. The Gestapo now had their eye on Reck. They knew him apart from
anything else as the author of books whose thrust was unmistakeably anti-Nazi,
such as his study of the Anabaptists’ reign of terror in sixteenth-century
M̈nster (subtitled ‘History of a Mass Delusion’) and his account of Charlotte
Corday’s assassination of the French revolutionary Jean-Paul Marat, both
published in 1937.
Unable to get at him on the basis of such subversive books
because they had after all been published perfectly legitimately in Germany,
with the approval of Goebbels’s censorship apparatus, the Gestapo acted instead
upon a denunciation passed to them by the director of the publishers Knorr and
Hirth, in Munich, Alfred Salat, who had seen a letter sent to his colleague
Fritz Hasinger by Reck on 10 July 1944 about his royalties. An aside in the
letter that referred to the ‘Mark of today’ as being worth ‘only half of what
you get elsewhere for a more powerful coinage’, coupled with general if rather
vague complaints about the way publishers had treated their authors since 1933,
was enough to have Reck arrested on 29 December 1944 on the charge of
‘insulting the German currency’ and ‘statements denigrating the state’. When
the jail where he was being held in Munich was destroyed by bombing, on 7-8
January 1945, Reck was transferred with the other prisoners to the
concentration camp at Dachau, where the Gestapo ordered him to be kept for
further interrogation. Conditions in the camp worsened rapidly in the last
months of the war, and Reck soon fell ill. He was transferred to the block
reserved for the sick, and, though he recovered sufficiently at one time to be
released back into normal custody in the camp, he became sick again, and died
at 8.30 a.m. on 16 February 1945. The death certificate gave the cause of death
as enterocolitis, but a number of witnesses, including Reck’s neighbour in the
hospital block, the camp doctor who attended him in the final days and saw him
die and the medical clerk in the camp, subsequently testified that he had died
of typhus, a disease the presence of which in the camp officials even at this
late stage were eager to deny.
Not only older civilians like Reck, but also young boys and,
increasingly, girls, were drafted in to man anti-aircraft guns and searchlights
during bombing raids and take part in the war effort in other ways. Even Party
officials were complaining in October 1944 of the ‘recruitment of age-cohorts
that are scarcely able to carry out any practical tasks’, as adolescents from
the Hitler Youth were called up for work on building defences ‘on almost all
borders of the Reich’. On 17 March 1945, for example, all
fourteen-to-sixteen-year-old pupils of the elite Napola secondary school at
Oranienstein were enlisted to man the western defences. Five days later an SS
instructor arrived to teach the other pupils how to use hand-held anti-tank
guns.85 Women too were drafted into the armed forces as auxiliaries and
subjected to military discipline. One young East Prussian woman told how her
unit of raw recruits had been together for three weeks, learning how to use a
pistol, when enemy fighter-planes strafed their training camp. One girl who was
on guard outside the camp ran for cover. For this she was condemned to death:
We were all forced to stand by the fence and watch our
comrade being shot . . . A whole series of girls fainted. Then we were driven
back to the camp . . . The impression that this execution had made on us was
indescribable. All of us did nothing but stay in bed and cry for the whole day.
None of us went to work. For this we were all locked into cells . . . We had to
stay there for 4 days on nothing but bread and water. We were allowed to take a
copy of My Struggle or the Bible with us, but I declined the offer.
The futility of this final draft of young women into the
armed forces was nowhere clearer than in the case of the twenty-three-year-old
Rita H., a seamstress, whose duties consisted of little more than helping the
evacuation of army administrative offices, including the burning of
incriminating documents. As the women tried to light a fire in the pouring
rain, ‘the singed papers and files were lying around the whole area, for the
wind was repeatedly rummaging through our little heaps of paper. It was
strange,’ she added, writing as a pious Catholic, ‘and yet wonderful to stand
there like that and in a way to experience the downfall of a Godless
government.’
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